Tiananmen Square: The Failure of an American-instigated 1989 Color Revolution
Beijing: June 04, 1989
北京：1989年6月4日
拉里·罗曼诺夫2019年9月24日
Translator: Pearl
翻译： 珍珠
CHINESE ENGLISH PORTUGUESE ROMANIAN SPANISH
Introduction
简介
There are few places in China that seem more burned into the consciousness of typical Westerners than Tiananmen Square, and few events more commonly mentioned than the student protests of 1989. But the stories are wrong on several levels. It was never reported in the Western media that there were two separate events that occurred in Beijing on June 4, 1989. One was a student protest that culminated in a sit-in in Tiananmen Square by several thousand university students, which had lasted for several weeks and finally terminated on June 4. The other was a one-day worker strike that occurred (perhaps not by chance) also on June 4, when a group of workers unhappy with their lot in life, organised their own protest independently of the students, and in a different place. For reasons that will become apparent, the workers’ protest is the necessary focus for understanding the events of that date, so I will begin there.
在中国，几乎没有什么地方比天安门广场更能引起典型西方人的注意，也很少有事件比1989年的学生抗议更常被提及。但有几个故事是错误的。西方媒体从未报道过1989年6月4日在北京发生的两起独立事件。一次是学生抗议，最终导致数千名大学生在天安门广场静坐示威，持续数周，最终于6月4日结束。另一次是6月4日发生的一次为期一天的工人罢工（也许不是偶然的），当时一群工人对自己的生活不满意，在不同的地方独立组织了自己的抗议活动。由于显而易见的原因，工人的抗议是理解当时事件的必要焦点，所以我将从这里开始说起。
The Workers’ Revolt
工人起义
A group of workers gathered, and barricaded several streets in Muxidi, an area in Beijing five or six kilometers from Tiananmen Square, the barricades attended by several hundred mostly adult workers, with an undetermined few young people. However, there was a third quite large group present that to my knowledge has never been clearly identified, though it is obvious from the photos they were not workers and certainly not young students. [1] Thugs or anarchists might be an appropriate adjective, but the facts seem to support the conclusion (and my own personal judgment) that they were mercenaries. [2]
一群工人聚集在一起，在距离天安门广场五六公里的北京木樨地的几条街道上设置了路障，这些路障有几百名主要是成年工人参加的，还有一些不确定的年轻人。然而，据我所知，还有第三个相当庞大的团体，虽然从照片上可以明显看出他们不是工人，当然也不是年轻学生。（1）暴徒或无政府主义者可能是一个恰当的形容词，但事实似乎支持这样的结论（和我个人的判断），他们是雇佣军。（2）
Body of lynched and burned Chinese soldier hanged from a building by Tiananmen Square. 来源/Source
一具被私刑处死并被焚烧的中国士兵的尸体被吊死在天安门广场旁的一座建筑上。来源
The government sent in busloads of soldiers, accompanied by a few APCs to clear the barricades and re-open the streets to traffic. [3] The violence began when the third group attacked the young men attempting to clear the barricades. They were well-prepared, armed with at least hundreds and perhaps thousands of gasoline bombs, and immediately torched dozens of buses and the few APCs – with the soldiers still inside. Many soldiers in both types of vehicles escaped, but many others did not, and many burned to death. There are countless photos of dead soldiers burned to a crisp, some hung by the thugs from lampposts, others lying in the street or on stairs or sidewalks where they died, others hanging out of bus windows or the APCs, having only partially escaped before being overcome by the flames. There are documented reports and photos showing that the group of thugs managed to get control of one APC, and drove it through the streets while firing the machine guns on the turret. [4] It was only then that the government sent in armed soldiers and military equipment.
Outside a bus, the body of a soldier burned to death by the rioters. 来源/Source
在一辆公共汽车外，一名士兵的尸体被暴徒烧死。来源
Government reports and independent media personnel generally claim a total of 250 to 300 civilian deaths before the violence subsided, but a similar number of soldiers had already been killed. When police or military are attacked in this way, they will surely use force to defend themselves and cannot be faulted for that. If you or I were the military commander on the scene, watching our men being attacked and burned to death, we would have done the same. From everything I know, I can find no fault here.
Here is an eyewitness report from someone who was there, an excerpt from the book ‘Tiananmen Moon’: [5]
以下是一份目击者的报告，是从《天安门月亮》一书中摘录的：（5）
“There was a new element I hadn’t noticed much of before, young punks decidedly less than student-like in appearance. In the place of headbands and signed shirts with university pins they wore cheap, ill-fitting polyester clothes and loose windbreakers. Under our lights, their eyes gleaming with mischief, they brazenly revealed hidden Molotov cocktails. Who were these punks in shorts and sandals, carrying petrol bombs? Gasoline is tightly rationed, so they could not have come up with these things spontaneously. Who taught them to make bottle bombs and for whom were the incendiary devices intended?
“有一个我以前没注意到的新元素，年轻的朋克们明显比学生们的外表差。他们穿着廉价的不合身的涤纶衣服和宽松的风衣，代替了头巾和印有大学徽章的衬衫。在我们的灯光下，他们的眼睛闪烁着恶作剧的光芒，他们厚颜无耻地展示了隐藏的燃烧瓶。这些穿着短裤和凉鞋，扛着燃烧瓶的小混混是谁？在那个年代汽油是严格配给的，所以他们不可能自发地想出这些东西。是谁教他们制造燃烧瓶的？这些燃烧瓶是为谁设计的？”
These are not students. You can see the burned out buses in the background. Today these rioters would be deemed terrorists. 来源/Source
这些不是学生。你可以在背景中看到烧毁的公共汽车。今天，这些暴乱分子将被视为恐怖分子。来源
Someone shouted that another APC was heading our way. My pace quickened as I approached the stalled vehicle, infected by the toxic glee of the mob, but then I caught myself. Why was I rushing towards trouble? Because everyone else was? I slowed down to a trot in the wake of a thundering herd of one mass mind. Breaking with the pack, I stopped running. Someone tossed a Molotov cocktail, setting the APC on fire. Flames spread quickly over the top of the vehicle and spilled onto the pavement. I thought, there’s somebody still inside of that, it’s not just a machine! There must be people inside.
“有人喊道：‘另一辆装甲运兵车正朝我们的方向驶来！’当我走近那辆被堵住的装甲车时，我的脚步加快了，被暴徒的有毒的欢乐感染了，但随后我就自己镇静下来了。我为什么要冲向麻烦？因为其他人都是？我在一群众志成城、雷鸣般的人群中放慢脚步小跑起来。我挣脱了背包，停止了跑步。有人扔了燃烧弹，点燃了装甲运兵车。火苗迅速从车顶蔓延到人行道上。我想，那里面还有人，它不只是一台机器！里面一定有人。”
Someone protectively pulled me away to join a handful of head-banded students who sought to exert some control. Expending what little moral capital his hunger strike signature saturated shirt still exerted, he spoke up for the soldier.“Let the man out,”he cried. “Help the soldier, help him get out!” The agitated congregation was in no mood for mercy. Angry, blood-curdling voices ricocheted around us. “Kill the mother fucker!” one said. Then another voice, even more chilling than the first screamed, “He is not human, he is a thing.”“Kill it, kill it!” shouted bystanders, bloody enthusiasm now whipped up to a high pitch. “Stop! Don’t hurt him!” Meng pleaded, leaving me behind as he tried to reason with the vigilantes. “Stop, he is just a soldier!”“He is not human, kill him, kill him!” said a voice. “Get back, get back!” someone screamed at the top of his lungs. “Leave him alone, the soldiers are not our enemy!”After the limp bodies of the soldiers were put into an ambulance, the thugs attacked the ambulance, almost ripping off the rear doors in an attempt to remove the burned soldier and finish him off. After that, charred bodies of soldiers were hung from a lamp post, and a large amount of ammunition was taken from the APC.” [6]
“有人出于保护的目的把我拉了出来，加入了一群少数想保持克制的学生中。他用尽了他那件湿透的、印有绝食标志的衬衫仅存的一点道德资本，为这位士兵代言。‘让那人出去！’他喊道：‘帮战士，帮他出来！’焦躁不安的人群没有怜悯的心情。愤怒的、令人毛骨悚然的声音在我们周围回荡。‘杀了他妈的混蛋！’，有人说。接着另一个声音，比第一个声音更让人毛骨悚然：‘他不是人，他是个东西。’‘杀了它，杀了它！’，旁观者大声喊道，血腥的热情现在被激发到了高潮。‘住手！别伤害他！’，孟央求道，把我甩在一边，试图和治安队员讲理。‘住手，他只是个军人！’‘他不是人，杀了他，杀了他！’，一个声音说。‘退后，退后！’，有人在撕心裂肺地上尖叫。‘别管他，士兵不是我们的敌人！’，士兵们四肢无力的尸体被送上救护车后，暴徒们袭击了救护车，几乎撕开了后门，试图把被烧伤的士兵抬走，把他干掉。在那之后，烧焦的士兵尸体被悬挂在灯柱上，大量的弹药被从装甲运兵车上拿走” (6)
Another soldier burned to death, hanging by a cable from the burned-out bus. 来源/Source
另一名士兵被烧死，被烧毁的公共汽车上的电缆吊着。来源
From a Government Report on the Worker’s Riot:
一份关于工人暴动的政府报告中这样写道：
“Rioters blocked military and other vehicles before they smashed and burned them.They also seized guns, ammunition and transceivers. Several rioters seized an armored car and fired its guns as they drove it along the street. Rioters also assaulted civilian installationsand public buildings.Several rioters even drove a public bus loaded with gasoline drums towards the Tiananmen gatetower in an attempt to set fire to it. When a military vehicle suddenly broke down on Chang’An Avenue, rioters surrounded it and crushed the driver with bricks.The rioters savagely beat and killed many soldiers and officers.At Chongwenmen, a soldier was thrown down from the flyover and burned alive.At Fuchengmen,a soldier’s body was hung upside down on the overpass balustrade after he had been killed. Near a cinema,an officer was beaten to death, and his body strung up on a burning bus.
“暴乱者封锁了军用车辆和其它车辆，然后将其砸毁并烧毁。他们还缴获了枪支、弹药和无线电。几名暴徒抢劫了一辆装甲车，并在沿街行驶时开枪射击。骚乱者还袭击了民用设施和公共建筑。几名骚乱者甚至驾驶一辆满载汽油桶的公交车朝天安门城楼方向冲去，企图纵火。当一辆军车突然在长安街抛锚时，骚乱者将其包围，并用砖头砸死司机。暴徒野蛮地殴打并杀害了许多士兵和军官。在崇文门，一名士兵被从天桥上摔下来活活烧死。在阜成门，一名士兵被杀后，尸体倒挂在天桥栏杆上。在一家电影院附近，一名警官被殴打致死，他的尸体被吊在一辆燃烧的公共汽车上。”
Over 1,280 vehicles were burned or damaged in the rebellion, including over 1,000 military trucks, more than 60 armored cars, over 30 police cars, over 120 public buses and trolley buses and over 70 motor vehicles of other kinds. The martial law troops, having suffered heavy casualties before being forced to fire into the air to clear the way forward. During the counter-attack, some rioters were killed, some onlookers were hit by stray bullets and some wounded or killed by armed ruffians. According to reliable statistics, more than 3,000 civilians were wounded and over 200, including 36 college students, were killed. As well, more than 6,000 law officers and soldiers were injured and scores of them killed.”(Cables from the US Embassy in Beijing confirmed the basics of this report as well as the casualty estimates). [4]
“叛乱中有1280多辆汽车被烧毁或损坏，其中军用卡车1000多辆，装甲车60多辆，警车30多辆，公共汽车和公共电车120多辆，其它各类机动车70多辆。戒严部队伤亡惨重，被迫朝天鸣枪示警扫清前进道路。在反击中，一些骚乱者被打死，一些旁观者被流弹击中，一些人被武装匪徒打伤或杀害。据可靠统计，3000多名平民受伤，200多人丧生，其中包括36名大学生。另外，超过6000名法律官员和士兵受伤，其中数十人死亡。（美国驻北京大使馆的线人证实了这份报告的基本情况以及伤亡人数的估计)”。（4)
Though conclusive direct evidence is still thin, it appears a certainty the revolt had considerable outside help. In addition to the curious timing, there is too much evidence of advance preparation for violence and supply of the weaponry used. Gasoline was tightly rationed at the time, and unavailable in the volume required for this event. Black hands arranged the supply lines and provided instructions for the manufacture and use of the gasoline bombs which were almost unheard of in China before that time.
虽然确凿的直接证据仍然不多，但似乎可以肯定的是，这次暴动有相当大的境外干预。除了事发时间很奇怪之外，还有太多的证据表明，暴力活动和所使用的武器事先准备好了。在当时那个年代，汽油的配给非常严格，没有足够的数量来满足这次活动的需要。黑手们布置了补给线，并提供了燃烧弹的制造和使用说明，在那之前中国几乎闻所未闻。
There are also too many signs of external incitement in the still-unidentified third group, whose violent actions in no way represented the sentiment of the attending public. The enormity of violence unleashed at Muxidi requires considerable prior emotional programming and could not possibly have originated spontaneously from a simple workers’ strike, almost a guarantee of external interference. Disaffected citizens in any country may parade and protest from real or imagined grievances, but burning young soldiers to death and stringing their charred bodies from lampposts, are not the acts of naive students wanting “democracy” or of workers protesting an inadequate social contract. [7] They are almost always the result of substantial programmed incitement from behind the scenes, usually directed to regime change.
第三种身份不明的群体也没有表现出太多的暴力行为。木樨地发生的巨大暴力事件需要事先进行大量的情感煽动，不可能是由简单的工人罢工自发产生的，几乎肯定是境外的干预。任何一个国家的不满的公民都可以游行示威，抗议真实的或想象中的不满，但把年轻士兵烧死，把烧焦的身体从灯柱上串起来，并不是天真的学生想要“民主”的行为，也不是工人抗议社会契约不充分的行为。（7） 它们几乎总是幕后有计划的煽动的结果，通常是针对政权更迭。
The Student Protest
学生抗议
Briefly, the students congregated in the Square and waited for an opportunity to present various petitions dealing with social policy, perceived corruption, idealism, in fact the same things that we as students all had on our list of changes we wanted to make in the world. Since the government did not immediately respond, the students camped in the square and waited.Government officials held talks with the students for several weeks, and finally set a June 4 deadline for evacuation of the Square.Soldiers were sent to the Square on the day prior, but they were unarmed and carried only billy sticks. By all reports, there was no animosity between the students and the soldiers. Neither had a philosophical dispute with the other, nor did they see each other as enemies. In fact, photos and reports show the students protecting the soldiers from angry bystanders.
简单地说，学生们聚集在广场上，等待机会提出各种请愿书，涉及社会政策、腐败现象、理想主义，事实上，我们作为学生，在我们想要改变世界的清单上都有同样的东西。由于政府没有立即回应，学生们在广场上扎营等候。政府官员与学生们进行了数周的会谈，最终确定了6月4日撤离广场的最后期限。士兵们在前一天被派往广场，但他们没有武器，只携带警棍。从所有的报道来看，学生和士兵之间没有敌意。两人既没有哲学上的争论，也没有把对方视为敌人。事实上，照片和报告显示学生们在保护士兵不受愤怒的旁观者的伤害。
Discussions were held between the students and the soldiers at repeated times during the evening and throughout the night. Almost all of the students were persuaded to leave the Square during the evening, and the small remainder left the following morning. Tanks and bulldozers did enter the Square the following morning,flattening all the tents and rubbish that had piled up during the previous three weeks, pushing the garbage into huge piles and setting them afire. This was the apparent origin of claims that “thousands of students” were crushed by tanks streaming through the Square, but this was just the clean-up crew and the students were long gone when the bulldozers and heavy machinery arrived.There is overwhelming documented evidence from a multitude of reputable sources [8-15] [9] [12] [13] [13a] [13b] [13c] [14][15]that no violence occurred in the Square, that no students were killed, and that there never was any “Tiananmen Square Massacre”. Gunfire was apparently heard in the distance, but the few reports of gunfire from within the Square itself were later quickly discredited and, as mentioned above, the soldiers in the Square were not armed. [16]
学生和士兵们在晚上和整晚反复进行讨论。几乎所有的学生都被劝说在晚上离开广场，剩下的一小部分第二天早上离开了。第二天早上，坦克和推土机确实进入了广场，将前三周堆积的帐篷和垃圾全部夷为平地，将垃圾推成一堆堆，并将其点燃。这就是所谓“数千名学生”被经过广场的坦克压碎的明显来源，但这只是清理人员，推土机和重型机械赶到时，学生们早已不见踪影。大量有信誉的消息来源[8-15] [9] [12] [13] [13a] [13b] [13c] [14][15]提供了压倒性的书面证据，证明广场没有发生暴力事件，没有学生被杀，也没有发生任何“天安门广场大屠杀”。远处显然听到枪声，但广场内传出的少数枪声后来很快失信，如上所述，广场上的士兵没有武装。[16]
The Ever-Present Black Hand
永远存在的黑手
It seems plausible that the student movement in China during the late 1980s may, at its origin, have generated spontaneously, but there is no shortage of evidence that the entire movement was quickly hijacked by agencies of the US government long before the students gathered at Tiananmen Square. It has taken some time to open locked doors and ferret out details, but it is no longer in dispute that the leaders of China’s student movement were trained in Hong Kong and Guangdong by Col. Robert Helvey, an officer of the Defense Intelligence Agency of the Pentagon, who spent 30 years instigating revolutions throughout Asia on behalf of the military and the CIA. [17]
20世纪80年代末中国的学生运动，其起源可能是自发的，但也不乏证据表明，早在学生们聚集在天安门广场之前，整个运动就被美国政府机构迅速劫持。解秘尘封的档案并使真相细节大白于天下花了一些时间，但已经不再有争议的是，中国学生运动的领导人，在香港和广东，由罗伯特·赫尔维上校训练，他是一名五角大楼国防情报局的官员，他花了30年时间代表美国军方和美国中央情报局在整个亚洲煽动革命。（17）
There is little reason to question the assertion that a major part of US foreign policy then, as today, lay in attempts to destabilise China and perhaps instigate a massive revolution that would open the door to US influence and control. It is increasingly clear today that the student movement in 1989 was a major part of that strategy, orchestrated by the US State Department with the full approval of then President George Bush. [18]
我生活在中国，多年来一直是一份广受读者欢迎的时事新闻通讯的编辑，而本篇通讯让我可以放心地接触到大约2500名在中国读过大学的中高层企业高管，他们中的许多人参与了学生运动，还有不少人在天安门广场。我和他们中的许多人详细地谈了学生运动和当时的事件。他们的评论和证词除了证实我的意见和结论外，还强烈表明，与政府进行大规模对抗和选择天安门广场作为地点的想法，并不是他们自己提出的，而是“从境外某处”策划的。
I live in China and was for many years the editor of a widely-read newsletter that gave me trusted access to about 2,500 middle and high-level corporate executives who were university students in China during the period in question, many of whom were involved in the student movement, and more than a few of whom were at Tiananmen Square. I’ve spoken to many of them at length about the student movement and the events of the time. In addition to confirming my observations and conclusions, their comments and testimony strongly suggest that the very idea of a mass confrontation with the government, and the selection of Tiananmen Square as the venue, did not originate with them but were orchestrated ”from somewhere outside”.
必须认识到，1989年中国的学生运动绝对不是“民主运动”。激发学生抗议的根源主要是公民的务实，其次是中国文化。他们没有模仿西方的政治思想，也没有模仿西方的政治结构。从我与许多以前的学生的讨论中，他们的美国中央情报局官员把“民主”作为实现他们实际和文化目标的最佳方法。这些文化目的并不一定很深。学生领袖之一的吴尔凯西（音译）在回答有关他参与的问题时说（用不同的词）“我们想要的是什么？一双耐克鞋，可以像美国人一样带我们的女朋友去酒吧。”
It is necessary to understand that the student movement in China in 1989 was categorically not a “pro-democracy movement”. At its origin the student protest was primarily pragmatic civics, and secondly Chinese cultural. The students visioned themselves intellectual protesters, not political activists, with no thought of their government replicating the political structure of the West. From my discussions with many former students, the references to ‘democracy’ were imposed upon them by their CIA handlers as the best method of realising their practical and cultural ends. And these cultural ends were not necessarily very deep. Wu’er Kaixi, one of the student leaders, responded to questions about his participation by saying (in different words) “Because we want to wear Western brands and take our girlfriends to bars like the Americans do.”
必须认识到，1989年中国的学生运动绝对不是“民主运动”。激发学生抗议的根源主要是公民的务实，其次是中国文化。他们没有模仿西方的政治思想，也没有模仿西方的政治结构。从我与许多以前的学生的讨论中，他们的美国中央情报局官员把“民主”作为实现他们实际和文化目标的最佳方法。这些文化目的并不一定很深。学生领袖之一的吴尔凯西（音译）在回答有关他参与的问题时说（用不同的词）“我们想要的是什么？一双耐克鞋，可以像美国人一样带我们的女朋友去酒吧。”
Many of the students with whom I spoke, particularly those who were actually present at the Square, have told me of the supplies provided for them by various US government sources. They especially mentioned the countless hundreds of Coleman camp stoves – which at the time were far too expensive for students in China to acquire, and many commented on the well-established supply lines of these and other items. Adding to the student supplies were manuals, instructions, training, strategy and tactics, and the patiently inflammatory rhetoric of the VOA broadcasts from Hong Kong. It is not possible to sensibly challenge the assertion that the puppet-masters were American.
与我交谈过的许多学生，特别是那些真正在广场上的学生，都向我讲述了美国政府提供给他们的各种物资。他们特别提到了数不清的科尔曼夏令营炉灶，当时中国学生购买这些炉灶太贵了，许多人对这些和其他物品的供应线进行了评论。增加学生用品的是手册、指令、训练、战略和战术，以及来自香港的“美国之音”广播的耐心煽动性的修辞。我们不可能质疑那些吊线木偶傀儡的主人是美国人的说法。
According to a government report, many Americans were active in stage-managing the student leaders, in violation of the martial law decrees operative in parts of Beijing at the time. John Pomfret, now of the Washington Post, was an AP correspondent in Beijing, and an important information conduit for the ringleaders, and Alan Pessin,a VOA correspondent in Beijing at the time, violated the restrictions by his illegal VOA news coverage, and repeatedly dispatched distorted reports, spreading false rumors and encouraging both rebellion and violence among the students. [19]
根据一份政府报告，许多美国人在舞台上积极管理学生领袖，违反了当时在北京部分地区实施的戒严法令。现任《华盛顿邮报》记者约翰·庞弗雷特是美联社驻北京记者，也是学生头目的重要信息渠道；美国之音驻北京记者阿兰·佩辛违反了美国之音非法新闻报道的限制，并多次发出歪曲报道，在学生中散布谣言，煽动叛乱和暴力。（19）
John Promfet
约翰·普罗姆费特
Alan Pessin
阿兰·佩辛
What really happened at Tian-An-Men Square 25 years ago?
25年前天安门广场到底发生了什么
Most university students of that day will tell you of the influence of the VOA and the picture it painted of “freedom and democracy”. They tell of listening to the VOA in their dorms late into the night, building in their imaginations a happy world of freedom and light. The Voice of America:
当时的大多数大学生都会告诉你美国之音的影响以及它描绘的“自由与民主”的画面。他们讲述在宿舍里听美国之音直到深夜，在他们的想象中建立一个自由和光明的快乐世界。美国之音：
“The world’s most trusted source for news and information from the United States and around the world.”
“世界上最值得信赖的来自美国和世界各地的新闻和信息来源。”
They also confirm that the VOA was broadcasting to the students 24 hours a day from their Hong Kong station during the weeks of the sit-in at Tiananmen Square, offering provocative encouragement and giving advice on strategy and tactics.
他们还确认，美国之音在天安门广场的几周内每天从香港火车站向学生广播24小时，提供挑衅鼓励和战略战术建议。
One of the original participants in the student sit-in wrote this:
学生静坐的一位原始参与者写道：
“We settled down and continued with our study. We dated, found our loved ones, and many sought to go abroad. By the time we graduated there was almost no discussion about the student movement and we no longer listened to the VOA. One thing I have been kept thinking was the role of the VOA. Many students were the fans of the radio station before, during and shortly after the student movement. Even when we were on the square many students were listening to their programs as if only they could tell us what was going on. I remember at one stage . . . I realized how stupid I was . . .”
“我们安定下来，继续学习。我们约会，找到我们的亲人，许多人想出国。当我们毕业时，几乎没有关于学生运动的讨论，我们也不再听美国之音。我一直在想美国之音的作用。在学生运动之前、期间和之后不久，许多学生都是电台的粉丝。即使我们在广场上，许多学生也在听他们的节目，好像只有他们能告诉我们发生了什么。我记得在某个阶段。我意识到我有多蠢。”
Another student made these comments:
另一个学生说：
“But it was true that the 1989 student movement was being manipulated by someone, wasn’t it? The students had nothing but emotions and superficial knowledge of politics. We started only demanding the cleaning up of corruption by officials, yet the slogans were somehow led through a transformation into ones “demanding democracy”.
“但1989年的学生运动确实被人操纵了，不是吗？学生们除了感情和肤浅的政治知识外什么都没有。我们一开始只要求官员清理腐败，但这些口号不知怎么地被引导到了‘要求民主’的转变。”
There is a huge difference in political implication between these two classes of demands. So what was democracy? What kind of democracy was practiced in the west? What kind of democracy would befit China? Frankly, I (we) didn’t have clue. In other words, I didn’t know what I really wanted. I simply had this … resulting impulse to go onto the street and shout slogans. It was as if I participated just to participateand I was moved by the simple fact of experiencing a students movement. And then things got out of control. But because the student leaders refused to change stance, the students wouldn’t back off. So the whole thing dragged on. Yet a miracle happened, those “leaders” somehow managed to escape unharmed. For many years since 1989, I had been reluctant to accept that I and the other students were actually so stupid and naive to be truly manipulated by others behind the scene.”
“这两类要求在政治含义上有着巨大的差异。那么什么是民主？西方实行的是什么样的民主？什么样的民主才适合中国？坦白说，我们也不知道。换句话说，我不知道我真正想要什么。我只是有这种冲动…结果冲动到街上喊口号。就好像我参加只是为了参与，我被一个学生运动的简单事实所感动。然后事情就失控了。但由于学生领袖拒绝改变立场，学生们不会退缩。所以整件事拖了很久。然而奇迹发生了，这些‘学生运动领导人’不知怎么地安然无恙地逃脱了。自1989年以来的许多年里，我一直不愿意接受我和其他学生实际上是如此愚蠢和天真，以至于被幕后的其他人操纵。”
The perception in the West, and also in China, has always been that the student congregation in Tiananmen Square was spontaneous, idealistic and, above all, peaceful. It may at its origin have been idealistic, but it was in no way spontaneous and, by May and June, the underlying peacefulness was rapidly coming to an end. In 1995, two American filmmakers at the Longbow Group, Dr. Carma Hinton and Richard Gordon, released a now-famous documentary on Tiananmen Square titled “The Gate of Heavenly Peace”. [20]Chai Ling, the Tiananmen students’ self-proclaimed “Supreme Commander”, for years pursued lawsuits against the film company [21], primarily because the documentary included incriminating video dated May 28, 1989, of her in an interview with American journalist Philip Cunningham:
西方和中国的看法一直是，天安门广场的学生集会是自发的、理想主义的，最重要的是和平。它可能起源于理想主义，但绝非自发的，到了1989年5月和6月，潜在的和平正在迅速结束。1995年，长弓集团的两位美国电影制作人卡玛·辛顿博士和理查德·戈登在天安门广场上发行了一部著名的纪录片《天安门》。（20） 柴玲，天安门学生自称的“最高统帅”，多年来一直对这家电影公司提起诉讼（21岁），主要是因为这部纪录片包含了1989年5月28日她在接受美国记者菲利普·坎宁安采访时的犯罪视频：
“The students kept asking, ‘What should we do next? What can we accomplish?’ I feel so sad, because how can I tell them that what we are actually hoping for is bloodshed, for the moment when the government has no choice but to brazenly butcher the people (i.e. the students: Ed.). Only when the Square is awash with blood will the people of China open their eyes. Only then will they really be united. But how can I explain this to my fellow students? I can’t say all this to my fellow students. I can’t tell them straight out that we must use our blood and our lives to call on the people to rise up. Of course, the students will be willing. But they are still such young children! And what is truly sad is that some students, and famous well-connected people, are working hard to help the government, to prevent it from taking such measures. For the sake of their selfish interests and their private dealings they are trying to cause our movement to collapse and get us out of the Square before the government becomes so desperate that it takes action.”
柴玲说：“学生们不停地问，下一步该怎么办？我们能完成什么？我感到很难过，因为我怎么能告诉他们，我们真正希望的是流血冲突，在这一刻，政府别无选择，只能厚颜无耻地屠杀人民（即学生）。只有当天安门广场上血流成河，中国人民才会睁开眼睛。只有这样他们才能真正团结起来。但我该如何向我的同学们解释呢？我不能对我的同学说这些。我不能直截了当地告诉他们，我们必须用我们的鲜血和生命号召人民起来。当然，学生们会愿意的。但他们还是这么小的孩子！真正可悲的是，一些学生和著名的人脉很广的人正在努力帮助政府，阻止政府采取这种措施。为了他们的私利和私事，他们试图使我们的运动崩溃，在政府绝望采取行动之前让我们离开广场。”
If this isn’t clear, Chai Ling is openly stating her intention to provoke the government to a violent military solution, filling Tiananmen Square with the blood of the students – for the express purpose of “uniting the people” to incite a widespread political revolution. She then laments that
让我们把话说清楚，柴玲公开表示，她打算煽动政府采取暴力军事解决方案，在天安门广场上灌满学生的鲜血，其明确目的是“团结人民”，煽动广泛的政治革命。她随后感叹：
(1) she cannot reveal to the students that their lives are meant to be sacrificed for this cause, and
（1）她不能向学生们透露，他们的生命注定要为此牺牲，
(2) “what is truly sad” is that some people, “for the sake of their selfish interests” are seeking to avoid bloodshed by preventing the government from resorting to violent measures, and seeking to disband the student protests before they themselves turn violent.
（2）“真正可悲的是”一些人“为了他们的私利”正试图通过阻止政府诉诸暴力手段来避免流血冲突，并寻求在学生抗议变成暴力之前，解散他们。
Cunningham then asked, “Are you going to stay in the Square yourself?” “No, I won’t.” “Why?” Chai replied, “Because my situation is different. I want to live. . . . I believe that others have to continue the work I have started. A democracy movement can’t succeed with only one person!” And finally, “I might as well say it – you, the Chinese, you are not worth my struggle! You are not worth my sacrifice!”
坎宁安接着问道：“你自己会呆在广场上吗？“不，我不会的。”“为什么？”？柴回答说：“因为我的情况不同。我想活下去。我相信其他人必须继续我已经开始的工作。民主运动不可能只有一个人成功！最后，我还是说吧——你们，中国人，你们不值得我奋斗！你不值得我牺牲！”
In the video there is a damning reference to American cold-bloodedness in directing the student protests, a literal confession by Chai Ling that, after the students had already voted to end their protest and leave the Square, her Hong Kong handlers still pushed her and the students to remain in the square and continue to agitate until they provoked their own bloodshed, encouraging them to sacrifice their lives as the only way to attract the world attention and sympathy which had somehow now become crucial to their cause. Transcripts and video of her entire interview along with reader comments are available online. [22]
在这段视频中，有一段谴责美国在指挥学生抗议活动时的冷血，柴玲直截了当地承认，在学生们投票结束抗议并离开广场之后，她的香港训练员仍然督促她和学生留在广场上，继续鼓动，直到他们挑起军事流血事件，鼓励他们牺牲自己的生命，作为唯一吸引世界关注和同情的方式，这在某种程度上已经成为他们事业的关键。她整个采访的记录和视频以及读者的评论都可以在网上找到。（22）
The American plan was to incite the students to not only irritate but eventually enrage the Chinese government sufficiently to provoke a violent crackdown against the students, with the expectation this would in turn provoke the general population into a ‘color revolution’ resulting in the overthrow of the government and the collapse of China. In accord with this plan, the students were pushed to begin demanding “democracy”, quickly followed by insistent and intractable demands that the government step down. As part of the process, the students were given details on the construction of a huge papier-mâché “goddess of democracy” statue in the Square. In an intelligence summary prepared for then US Secretary of State James A. Baker dated June 2, 1989, the hope was noted that the statue would “anger top leaders and prompt a response”, stating that the students (or, factually more likely, the US government) hoped the erection of the statue would provoke “an overreaction by authorities (and) breathe new life into their flagging movement.” [23]In all cases in all countries, students and young people are co-opted into a US attempt at regime change. Westerners may not easily appreciate that Beijing in 1989 was not different in any material aspect.
美国的计划是煽动学生不仅挑衅中国政府，而且最终激怒中国政府，以激起对学生的武力镇压，并期望这反过来会激起普通民众的“颜色革命”，从而导致政府的倒台和中国的崩溃。按照这一计划，学生们被迫开始要求“民主”，很快就有人坚持要求政府下台。作为过程的一部分，学生们得到了在广场上建造一座巨大的纸制“民主女神”雕像的细节。在1989年6月2日为时任美国国务卿詹姆斯·贝克准备的一份情报摘要中，有人指出：“雕像会‘激怒高层领导人，并引发回应’，称学生们（或者更可能是美国政府）希望雕像的竖立会引发‘当局的过度反应’（和）为他们萎靡不振的运动注入新的活力。”（23）在除了中国以外的所有国家，学生和年轻人都参与了美国试图改变政权的行动。西方人可能不容易意识到1989年的北京在任何物质方面都没有什么不同。
After the Government declared martial law, Chai Ling’s American puppet-masters rapidly escalated their offensive by having her distribute leaflets inciting armed rebellion against the Government, calling upon the students and the general public to “organize armed forces and oppose the Communist Party and its government”, going so far as to actually make a list of names of government officials they planned to kill, encouraging the students to obtain firearms for the purpose. She claimed they would never yield and “would fight to the finish” with the government, scheming until past the end to provoke a bloody incident in Tiananmen Square.
政府宣布戒严后，柴玲的美籍吊线木偶傀儡主人迅速升级攻势，让她散发煽动武装叛乱的传单，号召学生和民众“组织武装力量，反对共产党和政府”，甚至把他们计划杀害的政府官员的名单列出来，鼓励学生获得枪支。她声称，他们绝不会屈服，会与政府“战斗到底”，图谋直到最后，在天安门广场挑起一场血腥事件。
China was spared a national catastrophe primarily by the patient and non-threatening stance of the government which served to dampen the inflammatory rhetoric emerging from the VOA and their handlers in Beijing and the urging toward bloodshed by their stage managers in Hong Kong. The result was that when the deadline approached for the evacuation of the Square, the students abandoned their “Supreme Commander” and agreed to leave peacefully, meaning that the Americans simply ran out of time. My feeling is that China was protected by Providence, because the specter of violence and bloodshed may have been very near indeed. [24]
中国被免除了一场全国性的灾难，主要是由于政府的耐心和非威胁性的立场，这有助于缓和来自美国之音和他们在北京的代理人的煽动性言论，并敦促香港的舞台管理人员流血。结果是，当撤离广场的最后期限临近时，学生们放弃了他们的“最高指挥官”，同意和平离开，这意味着美国人根本没有时间了。我的感觉是中国受到了上帝的保护，因为暴力和流血的幽灵已经擦肩而过。（24）
Intricate plans had been made in advance to spirit the student leaders out of China when the hoped-for bloodshed began. Operation Yellowbird [25] was a Hong Kong-based CIA scheme to help the leaders of the student protests and of the violence at Muxidi to escape arrest under the diplomatic protection of the American Embassy, by offering political sanctuary, by the advance issue of US passports, and by arranging their escape from China. The CIA was central in this, but the UK MI6 and the French intelligence agencies were also involved. When the protests failed and the students dispersed, the primary leaders fled first to Hong Kong, then to the US. [26] Some of the leaders of the violence in Muxidi were helped to flee, while others where sheltered in the American Embassy in Beijing, the Americans refusing to surrender them to the Chinese authorities. [27]
如果计划中的流血事件开始，那么为了把学生领袖撤离中国，事先就制定了复杂的计划。黄鹂行动（25）是一个总部设在香港的美国中央情报局行动计划，帮助学生抗议的领导人和木樨地的暴徒在美国大使馆的外交保护下逃脱逮捕，提供政治庇护，通过美国护照的提前发行，并安排从中国逃走。美国中央情报局是其中的核心，但英国军情六处和法国情报机构也参与其中。当抗议失败，学生解散时，主要学生领导人先逃到香港，然后逃到美国。（26）木樨地暴力事件的一些领导人被帮助逃离，而另一些人在美国驻北京大使馆避难，美国人拒绝将他们交给中国当局。（27）
As well, for their efforts to destroy their own country, these student leaders were handsomely rewarded by the Americans with prestigious university degrees, good jobs, and CIA salaries for continuing to incite political instability in China. Chai Ling was given an honorary degree in political science from Princeton university and a job with the management consultancy of Bain & Co., as well as being the salaried head of an NGO especially created for her and tasked with condemning China’s then one-child policy. Wu’er Kaixi, who was actually a troublesome and unstable Uigur named Uerkesh Daolet, was rewarded with a free pass to Harvard university. Liu Xiaobo remained in China on a CIA stipend of $30,000 per year, tasked with irritating the Chinese government under direction from the US State Department.
同样，这些学生领袖为了摧毁自己的国家所做的努力，还因为继续煽动中国的政治不稳定而得到了美国人的丰厚奖励，他们拥有著名的大学学位、良好的工作和美国中央情报局的薪水。柴玲获得普林斯顿大学政治学荣誉学位，并在贝恩管理咨询公司工作，同时也是一家专门为她创立的非政府组织的发工资负责人，负责谴责中国当时的独生子女政策。乌尔开希其实是个麻烦又不稳定的维吾尔族人，他原名叫乌尔克什·道勒，他获得了免费进入哈佛大学的通行证。刘晓波以每年3万美元的美国中央情报局津贴留在中国，任务是在美国国务院的指示下激怒中国政府。
The Path Forward
前进的道路
The Americans succeeded, perhaps beyond their wildest expectations, with the inflamed violence in Muxidi, but failed miserably in their main effort which was the provocation of bloodshed in Tiananmen Square, which offered the possible prize of a revolution and the overthrow of the government.
美国人在木樨地激化的暴力事件中取得了成功，也许超出了他们最疯狂的期望，但在他们的主要努力中却惨遭失败，那就是在天安门广场挑起流血事件，这可能会带来一场革命和推翻政府的结果。
The most immediate problem faced by the US State Department was that their success in Muxidi was not a particularly useful victory from a political standpoint since it had no long-term propaganda value.Nobody in the West, especially when seeing photos of the carnage produced, would have much sympathy for a workers’ revolt in a far-away country, and it would have ceased being news within a day or two. What the Americans wanted, and badly needed, the prize they were hoping for, was photos of dead student bodies and student blood in thestreets since these infallibly draw universal condemnation. But, with the peaceful resolution in Tiananmen Square, these didn’t exist, so they gathered the photos of the carnage and dead bodies from Muxidi and presented those to the world as evidence of a student massacre in Tiananmen Square by the Chinese government, a totally fabricated story.
美国国务院面临的最直接的问题是，从政治角度看，他们在木樨地的成功并不是特别有用的胜利，因为它没有长期的宣传价值。在西方，没有人会对一个遥远国家的工人起义有多大的同情，尤其是在看到所拍摄的大屠杀照片时，这在一两天之内就不再是新闻了。美国人想要的，也迫切需要的，是他们所希望的奖品，是广场上死去的学生尸体和学生鲜血的照片，因为这些照片无疑引起了全世界的谴责。但是，在天安门广场事件和平解决后，这些都不存在，所以他们收集了木樨地大屠杀的照片和尸体，作为中国政府在天安门广场屠杀学生的证据呈现给世人，完全是捏造的故事。
By the time the students voted to evacuate the Square and even before the violence in Muxidi had subsided, plans were already well in place for more than the evacuation of the leaders. Without exception, the Western media in all countries immediately published identical claims and photos, consistently omitting all the contradictory evidence.Every photographer who took photos at Muxidi knew where he took them, and he and the media editors knew full well those photos were not taken in Tiananmen Square.It is not possible that more than 200 newspaper editors and more than 100 TV station news managers in more than 30 countries mis-captioned the same photos in the same way by carelessness or accident. This is why the Western media suppressed entirely the facts of the violence in Muxidi, and unanimously refused to publish photos of the soldiers burned to a crisp and hanging from lamp posts. They needed the facts and photos for their already-planned “Tiananmen Square Student Massacre” story.
当学生们投票决定撤离广场时，甚至在木樨地的暴力事件平息之前，已经有了比疏散学生领导人更多的计划。无一例外，所有国家的西方媒体都立即发表了相同的说法和照片，一贯地省略了所有相互矛盾的证据。每一个在木樨地拍照的摄影师都知道他在哪里拍的，他和媒体编辑都很清楚这些照片不是在天安门广场拍的。30多个国家的200多家报纸编辑和100多家电视台新闻经理不可能因疏忽或意外而以同样的方式错配了同一张照片的标题。这就是为什么西方媒体完全压制了木樨地暴力事件的事实，并一致拒绝刊登士兵被烧得面目全非并挂在灯柱上的照片。他们需要事实和照片为他们已经计划好的“天安门广场学生大屠杀”的故事服务。
It has been 30 years since the June 4, 1989 student protests in Tiananmen Square. In spite of all the categorical documentation proving there was never any student massacre in China, the US Government and its handlers refuse to let go of their prize because of its powerful political propaganda value, having enabled the West for decades to define China as being “ruled by the jackboot, the rifle, and the thought police”.This has been unquestionably one of the greatest propaganda victories in history, turning a US State Department-sponsored color revolution, albeit a failed one, into a whip that could lash China non-stop for 30 years. It was so successful that the Western media, led by the NYT but followed by nearly everyone, publish in June of every year a kind of “anniversary story” to continue to milk it for its residual propaganda value. This false story has been hammered into the consciousness of Westerners for 30 years, to the point where it is nearly impossible to discuss Tiananmen Square due to the enormous emotional baggage it carries.
1989年6月4日发生在天安门广场的学生抗议活动，距离今天已经过去了30年。尽管所有确凿的文件证明中国从来没有发生过学生大屠杀，但美国政府及其管理者拒绝放弃利用他们一手造成的结果，因为它具有强大的政治宣传价值，使西方几十年来一直将中国定义为“由长筒靴、步枪和思想警察统治”。这无疑是历史上最伟大的宣传胜利之一，它将一场由美国国务院发起的颜色革命（尽管失败了）变成了一根鞭子，可能会连续鞭打中国30年。它是如此成功，以至于以《纽约时报》为首，但几乎所有人都紧随其后的西方媒体，每年6月都会发表一种“周年纪念日故事”，继续榨取其剩余的宣传价值。30年来，这个错误的故事一直在西方人的意识中被锤打，以至于几乎不可能讨论天安门广场，因为它承载着巨大的情感包袱。
Some missing pieces of this story began to fall into place when, in 2011, Wikileaks released all the cables sent to Washington from the US Embassy in Beijing on June 4, 1989, confirming that the student movement ended peacefully and that there had been no violence, no student massacre in Tiananmen Square and, importantly, confirming some important basics of the violence at Muxidi. As well, some highly-respected international journalists, as well as foreign camera crews, and some foreign diplomats, who were present in Tiananmen Square at the time of the student dispersal, have written books and articles testifying that the student sit-in ended peacefully and that the stories of a student massacre at Tiananmen Square are pure fiction.
2011年，维基解密公布了1989年6月4日美国驻北京大使馆发给华盛顿的所有电报，证实学生运动和平结束，天安门广场没有发生暴力事件和学生屠杀事件，更重要的是，证实了一些重要的事件，木樨地的把军人活活烧死，剖开肚子，然后吊在人行天桥上的暴力事件。另外，一些备受尊敬的国际记者，以及外国摄制组，以及一些外国外交官，他们出现在学生群体中的时候，也在天安门广场写了一些书和文章，证明学生静坐和平结束，天安门广场发生的学生大屠杀的故事是纯属虚构的。
Faced with this release of evidence, Western media editors and prominent columnists are attempting to prolong this myth by fabricating an entirely new one, this being that it was the students who rigged and manned the barricades at Muxidi to prevent the military from proceeding to Tiananmen Square to kill the students there，so the Chinese government instead massacred the students at Muxidi.[28]There is no evidence whatever to support those claims, and it should be obvious from the above narrative that they are false on all counts. [29] [30]
面对这次公布的证据，西方媒体编辑和著名专栏作家试图通过编造一个全新的神话来延长天安门神话，因为是学生们操纵和控制了木樨地的路障，阻止军队进入天安门广场杀害那里的学生，所以中国政府反而屠杀了木樨地的学生。（28）没有任何证据支持这些主张，从上述叙述可以明显看出，这些主张在所有方面都是虚假的。（29）（30）
If there were a massacre in Beijing on June. 4, 1989, it was at Muxidi, not at Tiananmen Square, and the massacre was of soldiers, not students, with all evidence indicating it was engineered by the US Department of State and the CIA.
如果1989年6月4日北京发生了大屠杀，那么发生地点事实上是在木樨地，而不是天安门广场，被屠杀的是士兵，而不是学生，所有证据都表明这是美国国务院和美国中央情报局策划的。
While the American government deserves to take the blame for orchestrating these events, the blame must be shared since the Americans were themselves puppets. The conspiracy against China was wider and deeper than I’ve indicated here.
虽然美国政府应该为策划这些事件承担责任，但必须分担责任，因为美国人本身就是以色列摩萨德和锡安犹太复国主义阴谋集团的傀儡。针对中国的阴谋比我在这里所说的要广泛和深刻得多。
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Second page; more information:
第二页；更多信息：
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Mr. Romanoff’s writing has been translated into 32 languages and his articles posted on more than 150 foreign-language news and politics websites in more than 30 countries, as well as more than 100 English language platforms. Larry Romanoff is a retired management consultant and businessman. He has held senior executive positions in international consulting firms, and owned an international import-export business. He has been a visiting professor at Shanghai’s Fudan University, presenting case studies in international affairs to senior EMBA classes. Mr. Romanoff lives in Shanghai and is currently writing a series of ten books generally related to China and the West. He is one of the contributing authors to Cynthia McKinney’s new anthology ‘When China Sneezes’. (Chapt. 2 — Dealing with Demons).
罗曼诺夫的作品已被翻译成32种语言，他的文章发表在30多个国家的150多个外语新闻和政治网站以及100多个英语平台上。拉里·罗曼诺夫是一位退休的管理顾问和商人。他曾在国际咨询公司担任高级管理职务，并拥有一家国际进出口公司。他曾是上海复旦大学的客座教授，为高级EMBA课程讲授国际事务案例研究。罗曼诺夫先生居住在上海，目前正在写一系列十本与中国和西方有关的书。他是辛西娅·麦金尼新选集《当中国打喷嚏》的特约作者之一。（第二章——对付魔鬼）。
His full archive can be seen at
他的完整文章库可以在以下看到
https://www.bluemoonofshanghai.com/ and https://www.moonofshanghai.com/
He can be contacted at:
他的联系方式：
2186604556@qq.com
Notes:
注释
[1] From the photos, some appear to be Xinjiang Uigurs, of which there are five distinct groups, four being eminently sociable, the last seeming genetically predisposed to almost any kind of crime.
（1）从照片上看，一些人似乎是新疆维吾尔族人，其中有五个不同的群体，其中四个是非常善于交际的，最后一个似乎遗传上容易导致任何类型的犯罪。
[2] To produce a unit of this kind would normally involve prior training and cash payment. One reason the US Consulates in China insist on cash-only payments for US visa applications from Chinese citizens (1,000 RMB each) is that this money bypasses the banking system and is freely available for black operations, today producing more than 800 million RMB per year that leaves no paper trail.
（2）生产这种单位通常需要事先培训和现金支付。美国驻华领事馆坚持对中国公民的美国签证申请（每人1000元人民币）只支付现金的一个原因是，这笔钱绕过了银行系统，可以自由地用于黑色行动交易，如今每年产生超过8亿元人民币的收入，没有任何书面记录。
[3] Military use for civilian purposes is a normal operation in China for typhoon and flood evacuations, landslide and earthquake rescues, and other similar emergencies. These are not armed soldiers in military vehicles, but simply able-bodied men available on command in the large numbers often required for such occasions. In Muxidi, these were all young men, most appearing from the photos to be perhaps in their early 20s. They were not armed, and arrived at the scene in ordinary city buses.
（3）军民两用是我国台风、洪灾疏散、山体滑坡和地震救援等类似紧急情况下的正常行动。他们不是军车里的武装士兵，只是在这种情况下经常需要的大量可供指挥的身体健全的人。在木樨地，这些人都是年轻人，从照片上看，大多数人可能20出头，他们没有武装，乘坐普通的城市公交车到达现场。
(4) The Morning Intelligence Summary for June 4, 1989, for US Secretary of State Baker, described the violence in Muxidi, and referred to how civilians “swarmed around military vehicles. APCs were set on fire, and demonstrators besieged troops with rocks, bottles, and Molotov cocktails.”
（4）1989年6月4日，美国国务卿贝克的早间情报摘要描述了穆西迪的暴力事件，并提到平民如何“蜂拥在军车周围”。运兵车被点燃，示威者用石块、瓶子和燃烧瓶包围了军队。”
(5) I haven’t a link for the availability of this book. I believe it is out of print but may be obtainable as a download from secondary or tertiary websites.
（5）我没有这本书的链接。我相信它已经绝版了，但可以从二级或三级网站下载。
(6) If we read carefully, it is evident from even this minuscule report that the third group, the ‘mercenaries’, were not acting in concert with either the workers or the students but were unknown outsiders acting against and above the public wishes and pursuing their own agenda of violence for which they had come prepared, and functioning as a team in the carnage they unleashed.
（6）如果我们仔细阅读，即使从这份微不足道的报告中也可以明显看出，第三个群体“雇佣兵”并不是与工人或学生一致行动，而是一个不知名的局外人，他们违背并凌驾于公众的意愿之上，追求他们自己事先准备好的暴力议程，在他们发动的大屠杀中发挥团队的作用。
(7) The strikingly similar pattern of uncontrolled violence by China’s Xinjiang Uigurs several years ago, where they bombed police stations, randomly burned hundreds of cars and buses, and killed indiscriminately hundreds of people (mostly police), were not, as the Western media claimed, spontaneous rebellions against intolerance by Beijing, but the result of a deliberate process of emotional programming. After the rebellion was put down, the government found in the hands of these people thousands of foreign-supplied “Otpor” manuals, inflammatory DVDs, instructions on bomb-making, and more, all clearly part of a planned program. The rioting in Hong Kong today exhibits the same fundamentals.
（7）几年前中国新疆维吾尔族人的暴力行为模式惊人相似，他们轰炸警察局，随意焚烧数百辆汽车和公共汽车，不分青红皂白地杀害数百人（大部分是警察），这并不像西方媒体所宣称的那样，是北京方面自发的反抗不容忍行为，但这是一个深思熟虑的情感编程过程的结果。叛乱被镇压后，政府在这些人手中发现了数千本外国提供的“奥特普尔”手册、煽动性的DVD、制造炸弹的说明等等，这些显然都是计划中的计划的一部分。今天香港的骚乱表现出相同的基本原理。
(8) A mere glance at any of the published photos displaying violence or mayhem, will permit anyone with even a passing familiarity with Beijing to see instantly that none of those photos were taken in Tiananmen Square. It was only the world’s lack of knowledge of China that permitted the US government and the international media to perpetrate this enormous fraud.
（8）只要瞥一眼公布的显示暴力或混乱的照片，任何对北京稍微熟悉的人都会立刻发现，这些照片都不是在天安门广场拍摄的。正是由于世界对中国缺乏了解，美国政府和国际媒体才得以实施这种巨大的欺诈行为。
(9) One cable sent on June 22, 1989 from the US Embassy in Beijing to the US Department of State in Washington, was a document that, in the words of its authors, “attempts to set the record straight” about the events of the night of June 3-4. It claims that, contrary to the reports in the Western media, any deaths did not occur in Tiananmen Square, but elsewhere. It also confirmed the casualty estimates. The contents of this cable were suppressed for more than 20 years until Wikileaks released it.
（9）1989年6月22日，美国驻北京大使馆发给华盛顿美国国务院的一份电报，用作者的话说，是一份关于6月3日至4日晚事件的“试图澄清事实”的文件。它声称，与西方媒体的报道相反，天安门广场没有发生任何死亡事件，而是其他地方。这也证实了伤亡人数的估计。这封电报的内容被压制了20多年，直到维基解密公布。
(10) In addition to the reports and chronicles from the Chinese government, the cables from the US Embassy in Beijing, and the written testimony of a number of respected journalists and diplomats who were present at the Square, a Spanish News camera crew took live video, which I believe is still available, of the peaceful clearing of the square. The video has never been shown.
（10）除了中国政府的报道和编年史，美国驻北京大使馆的电报，以及在场的一些受人尊敬的记者和外交官的书面证词之外，西班牙的一个新闻摄制组还对广场的和平清理进行了现场录像，我相信现在还可以看到。这段视频从未播放过。
(11) The Spanish Ambassador to China, Eugenio Bregolat, was present at the Square with the camera crew and wrote a book on the event, in which he vents his anger at the Western media for fabricating the massacre story. Publishers in English-speaking countries unanimously refuse to print a translation, and Amazon refuses to carry the original.
（11）西班牙驻华大使尤金尼奥·布雷戈拉特（Eugenio Bregolat）与摄制组一同出席广场，并就此事撰写了一本书，对西方媒体捏造大屠杀故事表示愤怒。英语国家的出版商一致拒绝印刷译文，亚马逊也拒绝携带原文。
(12) The Columbia Journalism Review conducted a detailed study in 1998, and published an article written by Jay Matthews, titled “The Myth of Tiananmen And the Price of a Passive Press”; the Columbia Journalism Review; June 4, 2010; https://archives.cjr.org/behind_the_news/the_myth_of_tiananmen.php?page=all
(12)《哥伦比亚新闻评论》在1998年进行了一项详细的研究，并发表了杰伊·马修斯的文章，题为“天安门的神话和被动媒体的价格”；哥伦比亚新闻评论；2010年6月4日；
(13) In 2009, James Miles, who was the BBC correspondent in Beijing at the time, admitted he had “conveyed the wrong impression” and that “there was no massacre on Tiananmen Square”, claiming “we got the main story right, but some of the details wrong”.
（13）2009年，当时在北京的BBC记者詹姆斯•迈尔斯（James Miles）承认，他“传达了错误的印象”，“天安门广场上没有发生大屠杀”，声称“我们把主要的故事说对了，但有些细节错了”。
(14) New York Times, June 05, 1989. Article by Nicholas Kristoff confirming a peaceful end to the student sit-in.
(14)New York Times, 纽约时报，1989年6月5日。尼古拉斯·克里斯托夫（Nicholas Kristoff）的文章证实了学生静坐的和平结束。
(15) Birth of a Massacre Myth; How the West Manufactured an Event that Never Occurred; Japan Times; Monday, July 21, 2008, By Gregory Clark; https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2008/07/21/commentary/birth-of-a-massacre-myth/
（15）大屠杀神话的诞生；西方如何制造从未发生过的事件；《日本时报》；2008年7月21日，星期一，格雷戈里·克拉克；
(16) “Live Reports” were published from some Western reporters detailing the view from their windows of the Beijing hotel of hundreds of students being mowed down by machine guns. Their reports were ridiculed and condemned by others who revealed that the Square cannot be seen from the Beijing Hotel. Similar claims were made by Wu’er Kaixi, the Uigur student leader, also discredited when foreign reporters stated that he was seen in a far side of Beijing at the time he claimed to have seen those events.
（16）一些西方记者发表了“现场报道”，详细描述了他们从窗口看到的北京饭店数百名学生被机关枪砍倒的情景。他们的报道遭到其他人的嘲笑和谴责，他们透露，从北京饭店看不到广场。维吾尔族学生领袖乌尔开希也发表了类似的言论，外国记者称他当时在北京的一个遥远的地方看到了他，他声称看到了这些事件，这也让他失去了信誉。
(17) Helvey organised student revolutions in Vietnam and Myanmar, along with Otpor! in Serbia, Kmara! in Georgia, Pora! in Ukraine, Czechoslovakia’s “Velvet revolution” in 1989, then spreading his talents to Africa and South America. Helvey was associated with Gene Sharp in the George Soros-funded Einstein Institute, formed in 1983 as an offshoot of Harvard University to specialise in organising student political protests as a form of US colonial warfare. It was Sharp and Helvey who created the Otpor manuals that began the process of the destruction of Jugoslavia.
（17）赫尔维和奥特普尔一起在越南和缅甸组织了学生革命！在塞尔维亚，凯玛拉！在乔治亚州，波拉！在乌克兰，1989年捷克斯洛伐克发动了“天鹅绒革命”，随后将他的才华传播到非洲和南美洲。赫尔维与吉恩·夏普（Gene Sharp）在乔治·索罗斯（George Soros）资助的爱因斯坦学院（Einstein Institute）有关联，该学院成立于1983年，是哈佛大学（Harvard University）的一个分支，专门组织学生政治抗议活动，作为美国殖民战争的一种形式。正是夏普和赫尔维创造了奥特普尔手册，开始了摧毁朱戈斯拉维亚的进程。
(18) Near the end of May, 1989, Wan Li, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, was in Washington for a meeting with then President George Bush, in which Wan raised the issue of the student protest in Beijing. The record of the meeting is too heavily redacted to create much understanding or draw conclusions but, after the meeting, Wan abruptly cut short his US visit, returned home, and publicly supported the dire necessity for the government’s prior declaration of martial law.
（18）1989年5月底，全国人大常委会委员长万里在华盛顿会见时任总统布什，万里在会上提出了北京学生抗议的问题。会议记录被大量删减，无法产生太多的理解或得出结论，但在会议结束后，万突然中断了对美国的访问，回国，并公开支持政府必须事先宣布戒严。
(19) The VOA is operated by the NED – the National Endowment for Democracy – a front company funded by the CIA that does much of that agency’s dirty work not involving actual killing – although sometimes it does that, too. The VOA is funded for its public activities by the US State Department, and by the CIA for its participation in black ops.
(19) 美国之音是由国家民主基金会NED操作的，前沿公司是由中央情报局资助的，该机构在该机构的肮脏工作中不涉及实际的杀戮，尽管有时也会这样做。美国之音的公共活动由美国国务院资助，中情局参与黑人行动也得到资助。
(20)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiananmen _(documentary)
(20) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiananmen_(documentary)
(21) Longbow lawsuit: The New Yorker; May 7, 2009 The American Dream: The Lawsuit
(21)长弓诉讼：纽约客；2009年5月7日美国梦：诉讼
(22) TAM Transcript Index; Chai Ling; http://www.tsquare.tv/film/transcript_complete.php
(22)TAM转录指数；柴玲；
(23) Tiananmen Square, 1989: The Declassified History; Edited By Jeffrey T. Richelson and Michael L. Evans; National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 16; Published – June 1, 1999; http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/index.html
(24) For the potential showdown in Tiananmen Square, the workers’ protest, and the mercenary violence in Muxidi, it is difficult to believe the simultaneity was accidental. The theory that appears to fit all the known facts is that the workers’ revolt, with the mercenary violence separately coordinated and injected into the picture, was timed to coincide with the hoped-for Tiananmen bloodshed with the intent of reducing much of Beijing to violence and anarchy, resulting in a range of unpleasant possibilities. It nearly happened just this way.
（24）对于可能在天安门广场摊牌、工人抗议和木樨地发生的雇佣军暴力事件，很难相信同时发生是偶然的。似乎符合所有已知事实的理论是，工人的反抗，与雇佣军的暴力分开协调和注入画面，是在时间上与希望中的天安门流血事件相吻合，目的是将北京大部分地区变成暴力和无政府状态，导致一系列令人不快的可能性。事情就这样发生了。
(25) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Yellowbird
(26) In those days, travel to Hong Kong was not quick and easy as today, so some clever logistics were necessary, Chai Ling claiming to have been shipped to Hong Kong in a suitcase.
(26) 在那些日子里，去香港的旅行不像今天那么快和容易，所以一些聪明的物流是必要的，柴玲声称已经被运到香港的一个手提箱。
(27) Many diplomatic problems resulted from the US government’s interference in China’s internal affairs at the time. In addition to stoking revolutionary fires in the students and fueling the violence at Muxidi, the US government was condemned for providing sanctuary in the US Embassy for several of the Chinese riot leaders, and on June 11 a US Embassy cable reported that Chinese radio and TV stations read official letters on the air, accusing the US government of not only actively supporting political rebels but providing refuge for the “criminals who created the violence” at Muxidi. (18) The Western media entirely censored all such news.
（27）许多外交问题都是由于当时美国政府干涉中国内政造成的。美国政府除了在学生身上点燃革命烈火和助长木樨地的暴力事件外，还因为在美国大使馆为几名中国防暴领导人提供避难所而受到谴责，6月11日，美国大使馆的一份电报报道说，中国电台和电视台在广播中宣读官方信件，指责美国政府不仅积极支持政治叛军，而且为木樨地的“制造暴力的罪犯”提供庇护。（18） 西方媒体完全审查了所有这些新闻。
(28) US Embassy confirms China’s version of Tiananmen Square events; Cables obtained by Wikileaks confirm China’s account. UK Telegraph, By Malcolm Moore, Shanghai; 04 Jun 2011;
（28）美国大使馆证实了中国对天安门事件的说法；维基解密获得的电报证实了中国的说法。英国电讯报，Malcolm Moore，上海；2011年6月4日；
(29) Students were not involved in arranging the protest at Muxidi though a few may have been in attendance. The square already had a contingent of soldiers and was in no need of reinforcement, the military may have entered Muxidi with guns firing, but students were not the target, and in any case the students had already voted to clear the square before the violence erupted at Muxidi.
（29）学生们并没有参与安排木樨地的抗议活动，尽管可能有一些学生参加了抗议活动。广场已经有一支士兵分队，不需要增援，军方可能用枪声进入木樨地，但学生并不是袭击目标，无论如何，在木樨地暴力事件爆发前，学生们已经投票清除广场。
(30) It should be noted that the truncated version of the famous “tank man” photo, which was taken a day or two later, of a single young man apparently defying several military tanks, was used to embellish the hoax. The wide-angle view of that photo shows a long string of military vehicles on a totally unrelated passage down Chang’An Avenue and through the Square and, in any case, they were clearly leaving, not arriving.
（30）需要指出的是，这张著名的“坦克人”照片的截短版，是在一两天后拍摄的，照片上一个年轻人显然在藐视几辆军用坦克，这是用来美化骗局的。这张照片的广角照片显示，一长串军用车辆沿着长安街穿过广场，在一条完全无关的通道上，无论如何，它们显然是离开而不是到达。
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Copyright © Larry Romanoff, Blue Moon of Shanghai, Moon of Shanghai, 2024
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